Tag Archive for: Food Sovereignty

Land Grabbing Is Not Just Back With a Vengeance. It Is Taking on New Guises Such As Carbon Offsets, Green Hydrogen Schemes, and Other “Green Grabs”.

In recent years, Africa has been at the epicentre of an alarming global trend: the land squeeze. The 2007-8 global financial crisis unleashed a huge wave of land grabbing across Africa and the world. Though the crisis eased, the pressures on farmland never went away. Now 15 years on, global land prices have doubled, land grabbing is back with a vengeance, and farmers are being squeezed from all sides.

As a major report by IPES-Food reveals, today’s land squeeze is escalating dangerously in new and varying forms – including for carbon and biodiversity offsetting schemes, financialisation and speculation, resource grabs, expanding mines and mega-developments, and ever-more industrial food systems. We are seeing a new rush for land that is displacing small-scale farmers, Indigenous Peoples, pastoralists, and rural communities – or removing their control over their land. The consequences are dire, exacerbating rural poverty, food insecurity, and land inequality across the continent – and putting the future of small-scale farming at risk.

Land isn’t just dirt beneath our feet: it’s the bedrock of our food systems keeping us all fed. It is not like any other commodity to be bought and sold. It is the basis of diverse cultures, livelihoods, and rural traditions for millions of Africans. It is a home to biodiversity. Yet, according to the Land Matrix Initiative, Africa is at the forefront of the land grab crisis in the Global South, with nearly 1,000 large-scale land deals for agriculture recorded across the continent since 2000. Mozambique is worst affected with 110 large-scale agricultural land deals, followed by Ethiopia, Cameroon, and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). 

The land rush is not merely for agricultural purposes. This time it’s also being driven by “green grabs” where governments and powerful corporations appropriate land for dubious tree planting, carbon sequestration, and biofuel and green hydrogen schemes (requiring large amounts of water). These activities, masquerading as environmental initiatives, are ultimately bad for climate and sustainability, as they shift the burden for cutting carbon emissions from Global North polluters onto Africa’s lands. They do this while directly threatening the very communities bearing the brunt of climate change by displacing local land users and farmers. Already 20% of large land deals are “green grabs”, often targeting indigenous lands – and this could soar in the coming years. Governments’ pledges for land-based carbon removals worldwide already add up to almost 1.2 billion hectares of land – about as much land as is used to grow crops worldwide today.  

“Green grabs” bring new powerful actors into Africa’s finely balanced land dynamics – creating a dangerous interface between small-scale farmers and rich governments, fossil fuels companies, large conservation groups, and real estate developers. 

Take Blue Carbon, a Dubai-based firm backed by the ruling royal family that is buying up the rights to forests and farmland in order to trade carbon offsets. Blue Carbon has acquired some 25 million hectares of African land through agreements with the governments of five countries: including for 20% of Zimbabwe’s land, 10% of Liberia, and swathes of Kenya, Tanzania, and Zambia. Pastoralist and indigenous communities are particularly at risk. In Kenya, the forceful relocation of up to 700 members of the Ogiek People has been reported in connection with Blue Carbon’s investments. In Liberia, local leaders have denounced the lack of any consultation since the Memorandum of Understanding was signed. 

The land squeeze also involves rampant encroachment for mining, urbanisation, and mega-developments. Prime agricultural land continues to be lost to rising urbanisation and large-scale infrastructure projects, leading to degradation and loss of biodiversity. 

This is also a problem for our food security. A 2018 report showed that large-scale land deals in Ethiopia and Ghana are forcing smallholder farmers to become wage labourers, downsize onto smaller fragmented plots, or migrate to cities – undermining their ability to feed themselves and their communities. Around 90% of large-scale land deals divert land from local food production to producing biofuels, cash crops for export, mining oil, gas and minerals, or carbon offsetting. The vague terms of these deals exacerbate risks to smallholders and food availability.

The land squeeze is not just an environmental crisis; it’s a fight for justice and survival. This widespread appropriation of land underscores the urgent need for equitable and sustainable land governance across Africa. Transformative action is needed. Policymakers must protect and include local communities as part of climate change mitigation and biodiversity protection, supporting them to steward the land, rather than displacing them. This can be achieved by:

  1. Removing speculative capital and financial actors from land markets to get land back into the hands of farmers. This should include capping land acquisitions, giving farmers first right of refusal, and cracking down on bogus land-based carbon offsets.
  2. Incorporating the Right to Land in countries’ constitutions and environmental and agricultural policies – including in climate plans (Nationally Determined Contributions [NDCs]) and biodiversity strategies. 
  3. Establishing inclusive land and food systems governance to halt green grabs and re-centre communities. New mechanisms must place local communities and human rights at the heart of land governance. Democratic spatial planning and accountable land agencies are essential for this.
  4. Making community-managed land conversation systems the flagship tool of the Global Biodiversity Framework to meet global biodiversity goals while protecting local food production. 

Africa’s smallholders, pastoralists, and Indigenous communities are the stewards of its land and biodiversity. Their inclusion and empowerment are vital to feeding Africa, as well as to climate action – yet they lack rights and social protections. The powerful new “carbon colonialism” fights the climate crisis against communities rather than with them. 

Bold action and leadership are needed to ensure farmers and communities have meaningful and equitable access to land. Africa’s land is not just an economic asset to be sold to the highest bidder. By empowering local communities and safeguarding their lands, we can pave the way for a sustainable and equitable future for all Africans.

Biodiversity is Life – Graphic Novel

The Graphic Novel  “Biodiversity is Life” addresses the issue of biodiversity erosion and conservation. The story told in the graphic novel follows a group of young people who, when brought into direct contact with local agricultural ecosystems, learn how biodiversity loss is not a distant problem, but instead has a direct impact on health and food security.

The graphic novel tackles the theme of the erosion of plant genetic diversity and the uniformity of agricultural crops, highlighting how this has contributed to the decrease in the number of cultivated species and the loss of nutrients in the foods we consume. The industrial production model, based on monoculture and standardization, is analyzed as a threat to biodiversity and food sovereignty.

The educational project “Biodiversity is Life” aims to raise awareness among young people about the ecological implications of food production and to promote sustainable agricultural practices. Through visits to organic farms and practical activities, participants become “guardians of biodiversity” and are actively involved in the defense of their native agricultural diversity.

The publication of the graphic novel, illustrated by the cartoonist Federico Zenoni, acts as a reference point for the next phases of the project, which seeks to continue bringing more and more young people out into the fields.

Involving younger generations is considered crucial for promoting a paradigm shift towards more sustainable agricultural practices and for re-establishing the bond between humans and nature, in order to safeguard biodiversity and food sovereignty.

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Group Organic Certification

I am part of the generation of organic farmers who developed the first organic standards and certification systems in the 1970s and 80s to ensure the integrity of organic agriculture and stop false claims when people were selling their produce as organic. We did this to protect both farmers and consumers.

Our first standards were simple one—or two-page documents. Organic farmers developed them with extensive experience and knowledge of organic farming systems.

Out of this, the first certification organizations were formed. They were democratic, not-for-profit membership organizations. Our inspectors were other pioneering organic farmers whom we trusted for their knowledge and integrity. We would have an inspection once every two years and submit a signed declaration for the non-inspection years. We used to look forward to our inspectors, as it was time we could learn from them ways to improve our farms and organic production systems.

The worst thing that happened to the organic sector was when governments started regulating it. At the time, we believed that government regulation would protect the sector and stop fraudulent claims and substitutions, so we strongly advocated for it.

Our clear and compelling one and two-page standards became lengthy bureaucratic documents of complex requirements and restrictions. Our inspectors, initially respected fellow farmers, were replaced with auditors prohibited from giving advice.

The certifiers became inflexible bureaucracies that charged high prices for their services. The auditing process assumed that farmers were guilty until they could prove their innocence. The auditors spent less time inspecting the farm and more time inspecting the paperwork.

Initially, certification helped grow the organic sector as it built consumer confidence in the credibility of organic labels. As time passed and more countries enacted their national organic regulations, they became more variable and complex. Inconsistencies began to emerge, with some countries allowing antibiotic use, synthetic feed supplements, and toxic synthetic preservatives. These differences started to cause trade barriers, forcing producers who wanted to export to conform to each country’s regulatory systems and pay the extra costs of multiple certifications. It meant that only the largest operators with economies of scale could export their products as organic. This facilitated the rise of industrial organics.

Many countries were forced to change their national systems to conform to significant markets like Europe and the USA. I remember when Australia enacted an organic export law that complied with the European organic regulation so that a few grain growers could access that market. The rest of us were forced to pay extra for annual audits and comply with complex standards. The cost of certification in terms of time and money increased dramatically, even though most of us didn’t export.

Despite this, Australia had no agreement to export our primary organic produce, meat, because we didn’t have mandatory ‘housing’ for our livestock. We let our animals free range on pasture, eat grass and natural herbage, and allow them to express their natural behaviors. I was shocked when I first visited certified European organic dairy farms and realized the animals—cows, sheep, and buffalos—were confined in barns, stepping in their urine and manure, and fed unnatural grains for long periods. Organic CAFO systems.

The agribusiness cartels continued to hijack organic production systems and ignored the intentions of the standards. The USA had organic agribusiness CAFOs where the animals were confined and never allowed out into pasture. These factory farms deliberately disregarded the standard that mandated animals’ access to pasture. Some agribusiness operations were sued over this; however, they won in court when their high-priced lawyers successfully argued that having a window in the confined factory allowed animals access to pasture. Years were spent developing a new animal husbandry rule that required animals to spend time on pastures. The agribusiness cartels successfully lobbied members of Congress to prevent the new rule from becoming law, allowing massive cruel factory farms to sell their meat, milk, and eggs as organic. The law finally passed. However, there seems to be limited enforcement for them to comply.

The term ‘organic farming’  comes from J.I. Rodale, who popularized the name in the 1940s, He stated that the recycling of organic matter in soil was the basis of the system. Organic farming systems are soil-based systems. This was originally the first part of every organic standard. Initially, the most essential tool an inspector used was a shovel to inspect soil health. When certifiers employed auditors, the most critical tools were a laptop computer and a paper trail audit. Inspecting the soil was utterly neglected.

The ultimate betrayal of our original intentions in certifying organic was the agribusiness industry’s hijacking to get the USDA to approve soil-less organic systems—organic hydroponics. Due to the need for countries to conform to the largest markets, other countries are now approving hydroponics as organic. This has bitterly divided the organic sector. Many people feel that organic regulations and their certification systems have lost credibility.

What was started by us, the pioneer organic family farmers of 50 years, has been hijacked by government bureaucrats and agribusiness cartels.  The trend is that in many parts of the world, the smaller family-owned organic farms have left the certified organic industry, although they still farm organically. The extra costs in money and overly bureaucratic, time-consuming compliance requirements mean that organic certification is not worth it. Consequently, the smaller family farms are being replaced by agribusiness. The trend shows the number of acres is increasing in a faster proportion than the number of farms. This is because large agribusiness corporations are replacing smaller family farms. Organic certification is increasingly becoming dominated by agribusiness.

My own experience is that I decided to stop being certified when I was President of IFOAM – Organics International, the worldwide umbrella body.  After decades of paying fees, I had received no benefits, only costs. I was not the only one in my region. Around the turn of the century (2000), there were 10 certified farmers in our district. I was the 2nd last to give it up. By 2014, no certified farmers were left, although those of us who were still farming called ourselves organic farmers.

The only countries with significant increases in organic family farms are those that allow group certification. This is because it is cost-effective and fair. The bulk of new organic farmers come from India, Mexico, and Uganda, and they are group-certified.

Many countries permit participatory guarantee systems (PGS) to ensure fairness for small producers. PGS systems are based on farmers peer reviewing each other to ensure the integrity of organic claims rather than being certified by a third-party organization. Most professional groups, such as doctors, lawyers, and scientists, use peer review to ensure the integrity of claims. Farmers should not be an exception. PGS has the advantage of being affordable for smaller farmers, especially in the global south, where third-party certification usually costs more than their annual income.

The world’s largest organic markets, the EU and the US prohibit PGS and make it illegal for these producers to call their products, such as coffee, tea, and cocoa, organic.  At the same time, large industrial-scale corporate organic farms can access these markets because they have the economies of scale to afford third-party certification. This is grossly unfair to some of the poorest farmers on the planet.

The exodus of family farms from organic certification, combined with the reluctance of many farmers to be certified organic, has meant they must find another way to label their produce. Many farmers now use terms like Regenerative and Agroecological to market their produce.

Certification systems need to be reformed if the organic sector wants to engage these family farmers and avoid being dominated by industrial organic corporations. They need to be simpler, cheaper, and fairer. Group certification systems, especially PGS, are some of the best options to do this.

Mapa de los Agrotóxicos que forman parte de la dieta alimentaria diaria en Argentina.

Presentamos un adelanto del trabajo – que se encuentra en la parte final de su proceso de elaboración – “El Plato Fumigado 2024 – Informe de los resultados de los controles oficiales estatales sobre residuos de agrotóxicos en frutas, verduras, hortalizas, cereales y oleáginosas comercializadas en los mercados concentradores de la Argentina entre los años 2020 y 2022” con la actualización de la información toxicológica de los 83 principios activos hallados como residuos en los alimentos que se consumen en toda la Argentina.

La nueva edición del Plato Fumigado (la versión anterior data del Mes de Enero de 2021) será presentada en fecha a confirmar durante el mes de Mayo 2024. Se trata de un trabajo de investigación y sistematización de información sobre la problemática de los residuos de agrotóxicos en los alimentos, realizado de modo conjunto, en esta tercera edición, por la Fundación CAUCE: Cultura Ambiental – Causa Ecologista y Naturaleza de Derechos.

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Resistiendo al Imperialismo de los OGM – Eventos en México – Marzo 2024

En todo el mundo, la soberanía de las personas, los agricultores y la naturaleza ha sido violada por la imposición de agrotóxicos, OMG y alimentos ultra-procesados, destruyendo la diversidad y las culturas alimentarias ancestrales junto con la tierra, el agua y la biodiversidad.

En marzo de 2023, NI emitió una declaración conjunta de las mujeres de la red Mujeres Diversas por la Diversidad en apoyo a la lucha de México, destacando la importancia mundial de proteger el maíz en su centro de origen.

El caso de México representa el intento de un pueblo por resguardar sus culturas biodiversas, su herencia alimentaria milenaria, su salud y la de sus ecosistemas. Es un caso de un pueblo que exige que se respete su soberanía, y se erige como un faro de esperanza para los lugares donde esta imposición continúa. Los pueblos tienen derecho a tener soberanía sobre su salud, y eso empieza por la soberanía alimentaria.

RESISTENCIA INTERNACIONAL

En el transcurso de estos diversos eventos, NI invitó a representantes de movimientos de América Latina como Argentina, Colombia, Bolivia, Costa Rica, entre otros, en colaboración con organizaciones de la sociedad civil mexicana, y varias secretarías del gobierno de México, para ayudar a demostrar que esta lucha va más allá de los países individuales.

También vimos como imperativo juntar estos movimientos y voces cuando estamos viendo una nueva ola de imposición en forma de nuevos ogm y alimentos falsos ultra-procesados.

En todo el mundo las imposiciones siguen llevándose a cabo, violando directamente la soberanía y los derechos de las personas y la naturaleza, en favor de la agenda de los grandes monopolios. Frente a esto, construir relaciones basadas en la lucha común y la visión común de un futuro ecológico ayuda a crear redes internacionales de resistencia y solidaridad.

12 DE MARZO – CONFERENCIA «SOBERANÍA ALIMENTARIA Y AGRICULTURA CAMPESINA E INDÍGENA»

El 12 de marzo, la Presidenta de NI, Dra. Vandana Shiva participó en un seminario organizado por la Secretaría de Agricultura y Desarrollo Rural de México (SADER) y el Subsecretario de Autosuficiencia Alimentaria, Víctor Suárez Carrera, en el cual participaron: miembro del colectivo maya de los Chenes, Muuch-kambal ac, Leydy Pech; José Bernardo Magdaleno Velazco (Nino), Presidente de la Unión Campesina, Totikes, Chiapas; Jesús Ramírez Cuevas, coordinador general de comunicación social y vocero del Gobierno de México; y Directora General del Consejo Nacional de Humanidades, Ciencias y Tecnologías (Conacyt), DraMaría Elena Álvarez-Buylla Roces.

El seminario articuló una nueva definición de soberanía, afirmando que la negación de la soberanía es la negación de la vida misma, y la Dra. Shiva destacó cómo la protección de los sistemas alimentarios autóctonos y de las semillas nativas es fundamental en la lucha por el futuro.

En la misma línea, Jesús Ramírez Cuevas declaró: «La soberanía mexicana empieza por la soberanía alimentaria». Ledy Pech también enfatizó: «En maya, no tenemos una palabra para transgénicos, en su lugar los llamamos semillas que no tienen corazón, semillas sin vida. Nuestras semillas, nuestro conocimiento es nuestra herencia, con esta destrucción ¿qué heredaremos al futuro?».

El evento finalizó con la Dra. María Elena Álvarez-Buylla Roces, presentando los nuevos hallazgos de los estudios realizados por el Conahcyt sobre los efectos del glifosato en la biodiversidad y la carga tóxica en el agua y los alimentos. Afirmó: «Estamos defendiendo el maíz, pero también la vida, no solamente de México, sino de toda la humanidad porque haciendo milpa en el mundo entero vamos a tener respuesta a muchos de los retos globales, incluyendo el cambio climático, la destrucción de los cuerpos de agua, la deforestación, los grandes incendios.”

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Resisting GMO Imperialism – Events in Mexico – March 2024

All over the world the sovereignty of people, farmers and nature has been violated by the imposition of agrotoxins, GMOs and ultra-processed foods, destroying diversity and ancient food cultures along with land, water, and biodiversity.

In March of 2023, NI issued a joint declaration by the women of the Diverse Women for Diversity network in support of Mexico’s struggle, emphasizing the global importance of protecting maize in its center of origin.

The case of Mexico is a people’s attempt to guard their biodiverse cultures, their millennial food inheritance,  their health and the health of their ecosystems. It is a case of a people demanding their sovereignty be respected, and stands as a beacon of hope to places where this imposition continues. People have the right to have sovereignty over their health, and that starts with food sovereignty.

INTERNATIONAL RESISTANCE

Over the course of these various events, NI invited representatives from movements from Latin America such as Argentina, Colombia, Bolivia, Costa Rica amongst others in collaboration with Mexican civil society organizations, and various Mexican ministries, to help demonstrate that this struggle goes beyond individual countries.

We also saw it as imperative to bring together these movements and voices when we are seeing a new wave of imposition in the form of new GMOs and ultra-processed fake foods.

All over the world the impositions continue to take place, directly violating the sovereignty and rights of people and nature, in favor of corporate agenda. In the face of this, building relationships based on common struggle and common vision of an ecological future help to create international networks of resistance and solidarity.

MARCH 12- “FOOD SOVEREIGNTY AND SMALLHOLDER AND INDIGENOUS AGRICULTURE” CONFERENCE 

On March 12, NI President Dr. Vandana Shiva participated in a seminar held by the Mexican Secretary of Agriculture and Rural Development (SADER) and Subsecretary of food self-sufficiency, Víctor Suárez Carrera, and saw participation from: member of the Mayan collective of the Chenes, Muuch-kambal ac, Leydy Pech; José Bernardo Magdaleno Velazco (Nino), President of the Peasant Union, Totikes, Chiapas; Jesús Ramírez Cuevas, general coordinator of social communication and spokesperson for the Government of Mexico; and General Director of the National Council of Humanities, Sciences and Technologies (Conacyt), Dr. María Elena Álvarez-Buylla Roces.

The event articulated a new definition of sovereignty, stating that the denial of sovereignty is denial of life itself, with Dr. Shiva highlighting how the protection of native food systems and native seed is central to the fight for the future. In line, Jesús Ramírez Cuevas declared, “Mexican sovereignty starts with food sovereignty.” Ledy Pech also emphasized, “In Maya, we have no word for GMO, we call them instead seeds that have no heart, seeds with no life. Our seeds, our knowledge is our inheritance, with this destruction what will we inherit in the future?”

The event ended with Dr. María Elena Álvarez-Buylla Roces, presenting the new findings of studies undertaken by the CONACYT on the effects of glyphosate on biodiversity and the toxic load in water and food. She stated, “On a global level the deregulation and imposition of GMOs and toxic food systems is a denial of sovereignty and right to health on multiple levels. Mexico’s success in asserting its own sovereignty on seeds and food policies would be a beacon for other countries to be able to assert their food sovereignty and seed freedom in turn.”

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La exigencia es clara: México no debe posponer la prohibición del glifosato y sus plaguicidas asociados

La semana pasada, más de 60 organizaciones mexicanas e internacionales firmaron una carta conjunta dirigida al presidente Andrés Manuel López Obrador y al pueblo de México para exigir la protección de un país libre de transgénicos y glifosato.

La exigencia es clara: México no debe posponer la prohibición del glifosato y sus plaguicidas asociados, así como de los transgénicos, que han demostrado causar daños ambientales, sanitarios, sociales y económicos.

Esta carta es el resultado del trabajo coordinado de muchas organizaciones incluyendo Vía Orgánica, Regeneración Internacional y la Asociación de Consumidores Orgánicos y ha sido respaldada por agricultores, apicultores, activistas, científicos, certificadores orgánicos y miembros de la academia.

El glifosato es un herbicida clasificado por la Organización Mundial de la Salud en 2015 como posible carcinógeno en humanos. Sus peligros ya han sido demostrados en 1.108 artículos científicos (Rossi, 2020 disponible en la web: naturaleza de los derechos (http://www.naturalezadederechos.org/antologia5.pdf ). Se ha informado y cubierto ampliamente sobre malformaciones congénitas, alteraciones en los sistemas nervioso, hormonal y gastrointestinal, infertilidad, varios tipos de cáncer (linfoma no Hodgkin), encefalopatía, mutagénesis, autismo, Parkinson, trastornos del sistema nervioso, endocrino y renal, intolerancia al gluten, daños hepáticos y daños en el sistema inmunitario. Los daños a la biodiversidad incluyen daños a anfibios, peces, aves, reptiles, moluscos, tortugas, abejas y otros polinizadores. También hay afectaciones al agua y al suelo (Watts et al, 2016 citado por Bejarano, 2017)

En México y otros lugares del mundo ya existen alternativas al glifosato. En México ya se han instalado varias biofábricas y el gobierno mexicano ha manifestado que nuevas revisiones y metaanálisis de cientos de investigaciones científicas y experiencias de campo confirman y fortalecen la evidencia de que en la agricultura diversificada y agroecológica existen alternativas viables al glifosato para productores de diferentes escalas.

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The Demand Is Clear: Mexico Should Not Postpone the Ban on Glyphosate and GMOs

Last week, over 60 Mexican and international organizations signed a joint letter addressed to Mexican president Andrés Manuel López Obrador and the people of Mexico to demand the protection of a GMO and glyphosate free country.

The demand is clear: Mexico should not postpone the ban on glyphosate and its associated pesticides as well as GMOs, which have been proved to cause environmental, health, social and economical damage.

This letter is the result of the coordinated work of many organizations including Vía Orgánica, Regeneration International and Organic Consumers Association and has been endorsed by farmers, beekeepers, activists, scientists, organic certifiers and members of academia.

Glyphosate is a herbicide classified by the World Health Organization in 2015 as a possible carcinogen in humans. Its dangers have already been proven in 1,108 scientific articles (Rossi, 2020 available on the website: nature of rights (http://www.naturalezadederechos.org/antologia5.pdf ). Congenital malformations, alterations in the nervous, hormonal and gastrointestinal systems, infertility, various types of cancer (Non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma), encephalopathy, mutagenesis, autism, Parkinson’s, nervous system, endocrine and renal system disorders, gluten intolerance, liver damage, and damage to the immune system have widely been reported and covered. Damage to biodiversity includes damage to amphibians, fish, birds, reptiles, mollusks, turtles, bees and other pollinators. There are also affectations to water and soil (Watts et al, 2016 cited by Bejarano, 2017)

Alternatives to glyphosate already exist in Mexico and other places in the world. Several bio factories have already been set up in Mexico and the Mexican government has stated that new reviews and meta-analyses of hundreds of scientific investigations and field experiences confirm and strengthen the evidence that in diversified and agroecological agriculture there are viable alternatives to glyphosate for producers of different scales.

READ FULL STATEMEN HERE (IN SPANISH)

Comunicado – Organizaciones e instituciones exhortamos a diputadas y diputados a aprobar minuta de ley general de alimentación adecuada y sostenible

COMUNICADO
  • La Minuta de la Ley General de Alimentación Adecuada y Sostenible responde a una larga lucha por el reconocimiento del derecho constitucional a la alimentación.
  • Solicitamos al pleno de la Cámara de Diputados, responder oportunamente ante la urgencia de contar con la ley reglamentaria del derecho a la alimentación en México.
  • Su aprobación representará un hito histórico para nuestro país y una importante referencia mundial en materia de derechos humanos.

Ciudad de México, 02 de febrero de 2024.

El pasado martes 30 de enero de 2024, organizaciones e instituciones que participamos en la construcción y articulación de consensos de la Ley General de Alimentación Adecuada y Sostenible, entregamos un Exhorto al pleno de la Cámara de Diputados, en donde pedimos la aprobación inmediata en este periodo ordinario de sesiones, de la Minuta de dicha Ley, en espera de ser enlistada para su discusión en el pleno.

De aprobarse, se cumpliría con uno de los anhelos de justicia social más importantes del pueblo de México, producto de una larga lucha de más de tres décadas por el reconocimiento del derecho constitucional a la alimentación.

El 13 de octubre de 2011 se promulgó una reforma constitucional en materia de derechos humanos que modificó el artículo 4to. de la Constitución Política de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos para reconocer el derecho a la alimentación. Así también el artículo 27, para garantizar este derecho a partir del desarrollo rural integral y sustentable.

A 12 años de esta trascendental reforma al artículo 4to, el Estado mexicano aún no cumple con su obligación de desarrollar la ley reglamentaria correspondiente, con la que se establezcan, entre otras cosas, programas, presupuestos, estrategias y responsabilidades para garantizar una alimentación sana, nutritiva, asequible y culturalmente adecuada para todas las personas.

La Minuta de la Ley General de Alimentación Adecuada y Sostenible responde a la grave problemática de salud alimentaria nacional, que tantas vidas cobra año tras año; nos acerca a la soberanía y autosuficiencia alimentaria y contribuye a alcanzar la sostenibilidad, al revertir el daño ambiental asociado con la producción agroindustrial de alimentos, que afecta la salud de las personas y de los ecosistemas, y que agrava el cambio climático.

Esta importante Minuta de Ley General de Alimentación Adecuada y Sostenible, promovida por la Sen. Ana Lilia Rivera Rivera, es producto de la construcción y articulación de grandes consensos encabezados por el FPH Capítulo México, de la mano del Grupo Intersectorial de Salud, Alimentación, Medioambiente y Competitividad (GISAMAC), con la coordinación institucional de la Secretaría de Salud y la Subsecretaría de Autosuficiencia Alimentaria, así como la participación de las Secretarías de Medio Ambiente y Recursos Naturales, Economía, Bienestar y Educación, e instituciones académicas y técnicas como Conahcyt, Senasica, Segalmex, Inifap, INSP, Instituto Nacional de Nutrición, INPI, Conabio, Sistema Nacional DIF y Cibiogem, y la participación de todos los partidos políticos representados en Senado que lograron una votación histórica por unanimidad.

Asimismo, ha contado con la participación activa de Organismos de las Naciones Unidas como la Organización de las Naciones Unidas para la Alimentación (FAO) y el Fondo de las Naciones Unidas para la Infancia (UNICEF) México, y de organizaciones sociales como la Asociación Nacional de Empresas Comercializadoras de Productores del Campo (ANEC, A.C.), la Campaña Nacional Sin Maíz No Hay País, el Centro de Derechos Humanos “Fray Francisco de Vitoria O.P.” A.C., el Centro de Estudios para el Desarrollo Rural Sustentable y la Soberanía Alimentaria, El Poder del Consumidor, el Centro de Orientación Alimentaria, FIAN México, Greenpeace México, el Observatorio Universitario de Seguridad Alimentaria y Nutrición del Estado de Guanajuato (OUSANEG), el Proyecto de Agrobiodiversidad Mexicana, Salud Crítica y The Hunger Project México.

Por tanto, su aprobación por la H. Cámara de Diputados representará un hito histórico para nuestro país y una importante referencia mundial en materia de derechos humanos.

Comunicado oficial aquí

Contactos de prensa
CNSMNHP: Víctor Manuel Chima | 5541919336
El Poder del Consumidor: Denise Rojas | 5512989928

Tag Archive for: Food Sovereignty

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